This is an assignment I’ve written in pursuit of my degree in Folklore
Introduction
As people migrate, so too do their beliefs. This leads to differing cultural practices and belief systems being forced together. Generally, the beliefs of these clashing cultures are forced to adapt to each other. In this essay, cultural clashes are explored through the lens of witchcraft accusations. Scenarios where witchcraft beliefs belong to the native people whose county is being migrated into are considered, as well as scenarios where the believers have migrated to a non-believing country.
Cultural disruptions caused by colonisation
The anthropologist Edwin Ardener spent much time studying the beliefs of people in Africa during times of colonisation. Many of the tribes he studied had beliefs around being cursed by those who are jealous of you (Ardener, 1956). There was a strong belief that paternal relatives are more likely to bewitch you, leading to men living individually. This belief was found in the Bakweri people of West Cameroon, who lived as farmers across sprawling lands (Ardener, 1970). Ardener found that the Bakweri people’s beliefs around witchcraft correlated with their financial stability in an area undergoing colonisation by Germans (Ardener, 1970).
The Bakweri had a complicated relationship with wealth. Accumulating wealth was seen as a status symbol, but it was expected that wealth should be sacrificed in the form of a ceremony where livestock would be killed and distributed to others (Ardener, 1970). Perhaps this was by design to manage jealousy and so the risk of witchcraft accusations.
After clashes with colonising German forces, a German commander decreed that the Bakweri should be “tidied up”. Artificial villages were created with huts in neat lines, and plantations which the Bakweri were expected to work. Suddenly, people were forced to live in very close proximity. For years the Bakweri did not work the land or take any actions to increase their prosperity, to the bewilderment of the German forces. The Germans brought migrant workers to the area to work the plantations. With poverty becoming normalised within the Bakweri community, anyone who did show signs of prosperity must have been taking extraordinary measures- i.e. witchcraft. During these times, the beliefs of the Bakweri evolved.
Beliefs around witchcraft being cast by a jealous person onto a prosperous one were inversed so that a financially success person was a witch, said to “have nyongo”. A person with nyongo has the power to fake the death of their relatives, secretly enslaving them to be sent to work elsewhere. This brings the caster great prosperity, most notably being able to afford a tin house. Belief in nyongo grew so strong that people refused to modernise dwellings for fear of drawing accusations- Ardener noted that it was common for villages to have a dedicated witch hanging tree (Ardener, 1956).
Eventually, a collaboration between local governments and a group of educated Bakweri people led to a social change. The idea was spread that people should work collaboratively as a village- collectively increasing wealth, rather than individually. The Bakweri began to work the plantations and make money. It was agreed that minor improvements to homes was not a sign of nyongo. The village contracted neighbouring witch hunters to clear the village of witches. Once the threat of witches was removed, it was acceptable for a person to spend money- logically, they could not have nyongo, as the village harboured no witches. Once intrinsically considered a sign of witchcraft, tin houses began to be built (Ardener, 1970).
These changes in beliefs allowed the Bakweri people to flourish, and indeed to grow economically. The belief systems of the Bakweri evolved after these times away from the fear of nyongo, although there was said to be a resurgence during a later period of economic downturn (Ardener, 1970).
A similar phenomenon can be seen in the conditions surrounding the Navajo Witch Purge of 1878. The United States (US) government stole land from the native people at a massive scale. Following forced marches and relocations, the Navajo people eventually returned to their ancestral lands (Allison, 2001). Whilst social imbalances were said to traditionally be addressed by theft and warfare, the return to the homeland required a treaty with the US government in which from the Navajo people promised not to steal or make war upon anyone (including each other) (Allison, 2001). This led to the rich becoming richer, and the poor becoming poorer. With the resultant jealousy came the accusations of witchcraft (Allison, 2001).
Unexplained sickness or death and people or livestock were evidence of witchcraft, as were increases or decreases in personal fortune. Analysis of records suggests that over 40 Navajos were killed in the resultant witch purge (Blue, 1988).
Whilst the purge was ostensibly in response to witchcraft, a copy of the Treaty of 1868 was said to be found wrapped around a collection of witchcraft related items inside the stomach of a corpse (Blue, 1988). Blue notes that the accuracy of the informant who had provided this account (the grandson of the man who killed the alleged witch leader) (Blue, 1988) could not be verified.
Despite this, the conditions leading to the purge would not have occurred without the disruptions to the Navajo people by the US government. Many lost their wealth and died during the forced marches. Then, whilst reinstating land rights, the US legislated away the traditional ways of rebalancing inequalities within the Navajo culture. Perhaps there was a desire to shift blame for the purge more explicitly onto the US government. Perhaps the purge was founded in political differences, and witchcraft accusations were simply a premise for the killings. In the end the US government were said to have directly intervened to end the purge which likely would not have occurred without their initial interventions (Allison, 2001).
Witchcraft beliefs carried during migration
In some cases, the beliefs of the invading culture can become more smoothly interlinked with those of the native people.
In 16th Spain, belief in humoral medicine was common, including the belief that one could cause sickness solely through their gaze (Molina, 2016). As the Spanish colonised South America, these beliefs around the “evil eye” came with them and became ingrained within the local populations (although records do not state how). The evil eye is not always used maliciously- it is possible for a parent who loves their child to accidentally cause sickness through their gaze. Intentional uses of it are said to commonly come from feelings such as envy, hate, or jealousy (Molina, 2016).
Beliefs which once migrated from Spain to South America have now joined South American migrants on their journeys to the US. A study of beliefs surrounding a range of maladies in disparate communities found that beliefs in the evil eye were alive and well in the US (Baer, 2001). Diasporas seeking to treat folk diseases such as the evil eye will often turn to their local communities. Within New York city, Botánicas (religious healing stores) are a keystone in the treatment of a range of maladies, including the evil eye (Viladrich, 2019).
The experience of migrating to a new country and reestablishing yourself is a difficult one, fraught with difficult emotions. Jealousy is common- of your fellow migrants, of the ease with which the local community live, from your family in your home country. At the same time, one faces a large number of practical difficulties- immigration laws, learning new languages, struggles to stay connected with home. Problems which could be tied to a difficulty in the immigration process could instead be blamed upon the casting of the evil eye through jealousy. Botánicas are prepared to deal with both the practical and the spiritual aspects of problems. In addition to receiving recommendations about which herbs to use for spiritual cleansing, a visitor who is facing immigration difficulties may leave the Botánica with the phone number of a good lawyer (Viladrich, 2006). This multi-faceted approach is incredibly important; migrants to the US reportedly believe that untreated evil eye afflictions can be lethal (Weller, 2014).
Unfortunately, not every migrant community has access to such services. Rytter provides us with a case study of a Pakistani woman, Mumtaz, who migrated to Denmark in the 1970s (Rytter, 2010). As expected within her culture, Mumtaz always followed the instructions of her husband’s family. She even gave one of her children to her mother-in-law. Her own daughters-in-law do not show her the same deference and generally behave in a more Western manner. Mumtaz always did what was required by her through social traditions and cannot understand why her daughters-in-law would not do the same. In the words of Rykker, “She has done her duty and is now supposed to be enjoying the fruits of her efforts” (Rytter, 2010).
Although a concept similar to the evil eye can be seen in Pakistani culture (known as nazar), the level of disruption faced by Mumtaz is so severe that it can only be explained by black magic (kala jaddu) (Rytter, 2010). To the western eye, the disruptions are caused by a simple clash of cultural expectations. Many of the acts found distressing by Mumtaz (wearing makeup and trendy clothing, refusing to live with your parents-in-law) are normal within Denmark.
As a result of the conflict, all three of Mumtaz’s sons have left home; two have cut off contact with her entirely (Rytter, 2010). She prays for her sons returns. Rytter notes that although she has lost her family, the situation has strengthened Mumtaz’s position amongst the mothers of the Pakistani community in Denmark as a person familiar with kala jaddu and its effects (Rytter, 2010). Rytter suggests that leaning into this social diagnosis of kala jaddu has allowed her to regain some control over her life in its highly volatile situation (Rytter, 2010). Unfortunately, it serves to isolate her. By accepting black magic as the cause, it removes control of the situation from her hands. She does not need to learn to adapt her beliefs, or to compromise. Great malevolent forces are at work which she cannot hope to defeat.
In the case of Mumtaz, the source of her strife was interpersonal conflicts. However, witchcraft accusations can often be made when a person becomes physically or psychologically unwell. Within the UK, medical professionals are having to navigate such situations (Littlewood, 2004).
Littlewood mentions the case where a Bangladeshi woman had become depressed after suffering a miscarriage, and had disputes with her mother-in-law. Her family suspected that she was possessed by an evil spirit but were also open to accepting psychiatric help. Her clinical team opted for a treatment plan which respected the beliefs of both cultures- the woman was told to wear an amulet to protect her from possession, and was referred for psychiatric help (Littlewood, 2004). Perhaps by unifying both local and foreign approaches to ailments, a better outcome can be achieved. Littlewood advocates for seeking the assistance of a “cultural broker”- a person who can advise the doctor on culturally appropriate courses of action (Littlewood, 2004).
Whilst jinns were mentioned in passing by Rytter, Dein encountered more mentions of them during his research on Bangladeshi communities in London (Dein, 2009). Where black magic (jhadu kor or Sihr to the Bangladeshi community) is intentionally cast between humans, jinns are autonomous non-human creatures (Dein, 2009). A wide range of problems are symptoms of jinn possession: “low mood, withdrawal, speaking ‘rubbish’, a failure to observe Islamic practices, and deviant behaviour including stealing and unfaithfulness in marriage” (Dein, 2009). Many of these symptoms can, as with the experiences of Mumtaz, be explained by the difficulties of cultural clashes and the migratory experience. Dein found older members of the community to be more likely to blame the actions of younger members on jinns. Younger and more educated members often still believe in jinns, but not that they can hurt people (Dein, 2009). When documenting cases where families had successfully sought the advice of a GP, he found that family members who had been born and educated in the UK were more likely to advocate for western medicine, whereas those who had recently migrated to the UK tended towards blaming the supernatural (Dein, 2009).
With the supernatural being blamed more often by those who have recently migrated, is it also a common diagnosis within Bangladesh? Are the social conflicts arising from migrating into and raising children in a significantly different culture solely response?
Callan provides us with a case study of a woman in Sylhet (an area most of Britain’s Bangladeshi population migrated from) whose illness was blamed on witchcraft (Callan, 2007). It is common for people in Bangladesh to have a range of healers to choose from, and to shop around until they find a diagnosis that they like- with many often preferring a supernatural diagnosis (Callan, 2007). The subject of Callan’s works, Shanti, suffered a difficult childbirth which left her infertile. She still faces significant medical problems. Whilst doctors provided a medical diagnosis, her family instead chose to blame witchcraft, deciding that her sister-in-law must be the caster due to jealousy. However, Callan notes, Shanti has many more reasons to be jealous of her sister-in-law than vice-versa. She proposes that by blaming the condition on supernatural causes, she can save face- what are perceived socially as failures are not her fault (Callan, 2007). By blaming witchcraft, Shanti can also regain a sense of control in a situation which is ultimately outside of her control.
Whilst accusations of witchcraft can save face, they ultimately do not solve social conflicts. Accusations are therapeutic in that they validate the feelings of the victim, but contribute to the break-down of the family unit. This can be seen in the case of Mumtaz. Mumtaz’s conflicts were not due to her unwillingness to adapt to a new culture, they were because of magic. She could confidently explain this to others. Perhaps if she had access to people who can bridge the gap between cultures (such as the staff of the Botánicas or the cultural brokers of London), a more unifying outcome would have been possible for her.
Methodological difficulties
Beliefs surrounding witchcraft and black magic within a given culture are often taboo, especially when discussed with people from outside of the culture. Rytter did not set out to discuss this aspect of Pakistani culture; he was generically discussing the life experiences of Pakistani migrants into Denmark when he learned of these beliefs (Rytter, 2010). The medical cases discussed by Littlewood only came to his attention because the afflicted had consulted with a GP- cases where a medical explanation had not been pursued would have been invisible to him. Whilst Dein was able to speak to people within a wider set of scenarios, he still was investigating the culture as an outsider.
Research conducted by people from outside of the culture, or using historical records, is likely to contain biases applied by the researcher. Ardener only recorded what he saw as significant, and may have missed pertinent details. When looking at diaries associated with an event, one may miss wider pieces of contextual information which had not been recorded.
Beliefs in witchcraft are also subjective. Smaller communities, or even individual families may have differing belief systems. This makes it difficult to generalise beliefs sufficiently to study their migration, and for people who may come into contact with them to understand them.
Conclusions
When two cultures clash via migration or invasion, the beliefs and practices of one or both cultures will be forced to adapt. In cultures with a tradition of witchcraft beliefs, this can become more pronounced. There is no single result of this clash. In the cases of the Bakweri and Navajo peoples, their beliefs were retained but modified in response to the influences of colonisers. When Spain colonised South America, their beliefs became integrated with those of the local people. When those local people later migrated to the US, they brought these beliefs with them. As Pakistani and Bangladeshi people migrate to Europe, witchcraft beliefs remain strong in the older generations but are lessening with each generation. In the studies cited here, witchcraft has given people a way to cope with the strife of migration. It has allowed believers to better understand and regain a sense of control over the situation in which they find themselves. That said, these beliefs can serve to distance people from the culture with which theirs is clashing. Because of this, it is mindful of people (especially medical professionals) to be aware of the beliefs of the culture(s) with which they are dealing.
References
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